So I suppose that since I am finally posting, now would be
an appropriate time to post a piece of literature I had the pleasure of
discussing with some of the bright minds of the university I would like to
attend. Earlier this month I was invited to sit among current students and
alumni as they discussed an excerpt from Livy’s The History of Rome (private victory). So I’ll put my response to it in a separate post,
but here is the text.
Livy
translated by Rev. Canon Roberts
c 59 BCE - 17 CE
According to legend, Romans are the descendants of Aeneas, a Trojan prince who fled the
burning city after it was besieged by the armies of Greece in the 12th century BCE. Seeking
a new homeland, Aeneas finally settled on the west coast of Italy, where his son founded the
city of Alba Longa. Centuries later, an exiled citizen of Alba Longa, Romulus, founded Rome
(legend puts the date as April 21, 753 BCE). For the next 250 years or so, Rome was ruled
by a succession of seven kings, each of whom contributed to the growth and power of the city.
Eventually, however, the Romans revolted, and in the place of kings they set up a republic.
This republic lasted nearly 500 years.
The Roman historian Titus Livius (Livy) lived from c. 59 BCE to c. 17 CE Just a few
years after he was born, the Roman Republic erupted into a civil war, a war which left
Julius Caesar in power. Caesar, however, did not last long, and his assassination sparked a
second civil war. This time, it was Caesar’s adopted son, Octavian Augustus, who emerged
victorious. Most historians mark Augustus’ victory in 31 BCE as the unofficial end of the
Roman Republic, and the unofficial beginning of Imperial Rome (an age when emperors,
rather than elected consuls, ruled Rome). It was during all of this political turmoil that Livy
wrote his “History of Rome.” Livy’s “History” stretched to 45 volumes, but only ten books
have survived.
In the selection that follows, Livy describes the rape of Lucretia and the expulsion of
the seventh and most notorious king of pre-republican Rome, Lucius Tarquinius Superbus.
Lucretia is a legendary figure in the history of the Roman Republic. Her rape by the king’s son
and her subsequent suicide were the immediate causes of the revolution that overthrew the
monarchy and established the Roman Republic. Led by Lucius Junius Brutus, the revolt in
509 BCE instituted a constitutional republic, drove the extensive Tarquin family from Rome,
and successfully defended the republic against attempted Etruscan and Latin intervention.
The beginning of the republic is marked by the first appearance of the two consuls elected on a
yearly basis. The political consequences of this event were, formally at least, to reverberate for
more than a thousand years. Rome would never again have a hereditary “king” even if later
emperors were absolute rulers in all but name. This constitutional tradition prevented both
Julius Caesar and Augustus from accepting a crown; instead they had to devise a confluence
of several republican offices onto their persons in order to secure absolute power. In the case of
Caesar, however, few were fooled, which explains why Marcus Junius Brutus, a descendent
of the original Brutus, agreed to take up arms against Caesar, a man who would be king.
13 - “Tarquinius Superbus” means literally “Tarquin the Proud.” The Tarquin family had driven the last king,
dreaded, he conducted the trials in capital cases without any assessors, and under this presence he was able to put to death, banish, or fine not only those whom he suspected or disliked, but also those from whom his only object was to extort money. His main object was so to reduce the number of senators, by refusing to fill up any vacancies that the dignity of the order itself might be lowered through the smallness of its numbers, and less indignation felt at all public business being taken out of its hands. He was the first of the kings to break through the traditional custom of consulting the senate on all questions, the first to conduct the government on the advice of his palace favorites. War, peace, treaties, alliances were made or broken off by him, just as he thought good, without any authority from either people or senate. He made a special point of securing the Latin nation, that through his power and influence abroad he might be safer amongst his subjects at home; he not only formed ties of hospitality with their chief men, but established family connections. He gave his daughter in marriage to Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, who was quite the foremost man of the Latin race, descended, if we are to believe traditions, from Ulysses and the goddess Circe; through that connection he gained many of his son-in-law’s relations and friends. This much license is conceded to the ancients, that by intermingling human actions with divine they may confer a more august dignity on the origins of states. Now, if any nation ought to be allowed to claim a sacred origin and point back to a divine paternity that nation is Rome.
1.57-60
The royal princes sometimes spent their leisure hours in feasting and entertainments, and at a wine party given by Sextus Tarquinius at which Collatinus, the son of Egerius, was present, the conversation happened to turn upon their wives, and each began to speak of his own in terms of extraordinarily high praise. As the dispute became warm, Collatinus said that there was no need of words, it could in a few hours be ascertained how far his Lucretia was superior to all the rest. “Why do we not,” he exclaimed, “if we have any youthful vigor about us, mount our horses and pay our wives a visit and find out their characters on the spot? What we see of the behavior of each on the unexpected arrival of her husband, let that be the surest test.” They were heated with wine, and all shouted: “Good! Come on!” Setting spur to their horses they galloped off to Rome, where they arrived as darkness was beginning to close in. Thence they proceeded to Collatia, where they found Lucretia very differently employed from the king’s daughters-in-law, whom they had seen passing their time in feasting and luxury with their acquaintances. She was sitting at her wool work in the hall, late at night, with her maids busy round her. The palm in this competition of wifely virtue was awarded to Lucretia. She welcomed the arrival of her husband and the Tarquins, whilst her victorious spouse courteously invited the royal princes to remain as his guests. Sextus Tarquin, inflamed by the beauty and exemplary purity of Lucretia, formed the vile project of effecting her dishonor. After their youthful frolic they returned for the time to camp.
A few days afterwards Sextus Tarquin went, unknown to Collatinus, with one companion to Collatia. He was hospitably received by the household, who suspected nothing, and after supper was conducted to the bedroom set apart for guests. When all around seemed safe and everybody fast asleep, he went in the frenzy of his passion with a naked sword to the sleeping Lucretia, and placing his left hand on her breast, said, “Silence, Lucretia! I am Sextus Tarquin, and I have a sword in my hand; if you utter a word, you shall die.” When the woman, terrified out of her sleep, saw that no help was near, and instant death threatening her, Tarquin began to confess his passion, pleaded, used threats as well as entreaties, and employed every argument likely to influence a female heart. When he saw that she was inflexible and not moved even by the fear of death, he threatened to disgrace her, declaring that he would lay the naked corpse of the slave by her dead body, so that it might be said that she had been slain in foul adultery. By this awful threat, his lust triumphed over her inflexible chastity, and Tarquin went off exulting in having successfully attacked her honor. Lucretia, overwhelmed with grief at such a frightful outrage, sent a messenger to her father at Rome and to her husband at Ardea, asking them to come to her, each accompanied by one faithful friend. It was necessary to act, and to act promptly, a horrible thing had happened. Spurius Lucretius came with Publius Valerius, the son of Volesus, Collatinus with Lucius Junius Brutus, with whom he happened to be returning to Rome when he was met by his wife’s messenger. They found Lucretia sitting in her room prostrate with grief. As they entered, she burst into tears, and to her husband’s inquiry whether all was well, replied, “No! What can be well with a woman when her honor is lost? The marks of a stranger, Collatinus, are in your bed. But it is only the body that has been violated, the soul is pure,
thucydides plato atistotle livy cicero plutarch trenchard and gordon montesquieu congress antifederalists federalists calhoun lincoln marshall
death shall bear witness to that. But pledge me your solemn word that the adulterer shall not go unpunished. It is Sextus Tarquin, who, coming as an enemy instead of a guest, forced from me last night by brutal violence a pleasure fatal to me, and, if you are men, fatal to him.” They all successively pledged their word, and tried to console the distracted woman by turning the guilt from the victim of the outrage to the perpetrator, and urging that it is the mind that sins, not the body, and where there has been no consent there is no guilt. “It is for you,” she said, “to see that he gets his deserts, although I acquit myself of the sin, I do not free myself from the penalty. No unchaste woman shall henceforth live and plead Lucretia’s example.” She had a knife concealed in her dress which she plunged into her heart, and fell dying on the floor. Her father and husband raised the death-cry. Whilst they were absorbed in grief, Brutus drew the knife from Lucretia’s wound, and holding it, dripping with blood, in front of him, said, “By this blood-most pure before the outrage wrought by the king’s son-I swear, and you, O gods, I call to witness that I will drive hence Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, together with his cursed wife and his whole brood, with fire and sword and every means in my power, and I will not suffer them or anyone else to reign in Rome.” Then he handed the knife to Collatinus and then to Lucretius and Valerius, who were all astounded at the marvel of the thing, wondering whence Brutus had acquired this new character. They swore as they were directed, all their grief changed to wrath, and they followed the lead of Brutus, who summoned them to abolish the monarchy forthwith. They carried the body of Lucretia from her home down to the Forum, where, owing to the unheard-of atrocity of the crime, they at once collected a crowd. Each had his own complaint to make of the wickedness and violence of the royal house. Whilst all were moved by the father’s deep distress, Brutus bade them stop their tears and idle laments, and urged them to act as men and Romans and take up arms against their insolent foes.
When the news of these proceedings reached the camp, the king, alarmed at the turn affairs were taking, hurried to Rome to quell the outbreak. Brutus, who was on the same road had become aware of his approach, and to avoid meeting him took another route, so that he reached Ardea and Tarquin Rome almost at the same time, though by different ways. Tarquin found the gates shut, and a decree of banishment passed against him. The Liberator of the City received a joyous welcome in the camp, and the king’s sons were expelled from it. Two of them followed their father into exile amongst the Etruscans in Caere. Sextus Tarquin proceeded to Gabii, which he looked upon as his kingdom, but was killed in revenge for the old feuds he had kindled by his rapine and murders. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus reigned twenty-five years. The whole duration of the regal government from the foundation of the City to its liberation was two hundred and forty-four years. Two consuls were then elected in the assembly of centuries by the prefect of the City, in accordance with the regulations of Servius Tullius. They were Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus.
2.1-2.2
It is of a Rome henceforth free that I am to write the history — her civil administration and the conduct of her wars, her annually elected magistrates, the authority of her laws supreme over all her citizens. The tyranny of the last king made this liberty all the more welcome, for such had been the rule of the former kings that they might not undeservedly be counted as founders of parts, at all events, of the city. For the additions they made were required as abodes for the increased population which they themselves had augmented. There is no question that the Brutus who won such glory through the expulsion of Superbus would have inflicted the gravest injury on the State had he wrested the sovereignty from any of the former kings, through desire of a liberty for which the people were not ripe. What would have been the result if that horde of shepherds and immigrants, fugitives from their own cities, who had secured liberty, or at all events impunity, in the shelter of an inviolable sanctuary, if, I say, they had been freed from the restraining power of kings and, agitated by tribunician storms, had begun to foment quarrels with the patricians in a City where they were aliens before sufficient time had elapsed for either family ties or a growing love for the very soil to effect a union of hearts? The infant State would have been torn to pieces by internal dissension. As it was, however, the moderate and tranquilizing authority of the kings had so fostered it that it was at last able to bring forth the fair fruits of liberty in the maturity of its strength. But the origin of liberty may be referred to this time rather because the consular authority was limited to one year than because there was any weakening of the authority which the kings had possessed. The first consuls retained all the old jurisdiction and insignia of office, one only, however, had the “fasces,”14 to prevent the fear which might have been inspired by the sight of both with those dread symbols. Through the
concession of his colleague, Brutus had them first, and he was not less zealous in guarding the public liberty than he had been in achieving it. His first act was to secure the people, who were now jealous of their newly-recovered liberty, from being influenced by any entreaties or bribes from the king. He therefore made them take an oath that they would not suffer any man to reign in Rome. The senate had been thinned by the murderous cruelty of Tarquin, and Brutus’ next care was to strengthen its influence by selecting some of the leading men of equestrian rank to fill the vacancies. By this means he brought it up to the old number of three hundred. The new members were known as “conscripti,” the old ones retained their designation of “patres.” This measure had a wonderful effect in promoting harmony in the State and bringing the patricians and plebeians together.
He next gave his attention to the affairs of religion. Certain public functions had hitherto been executed by the kings in person. With the view of supplying their place a “king for sacrifices” was created, and lest he should become king in anything more than name, and so threaten that liberty which was their first care, his office was made subordinate to the Pontifex Maximus. I think that they went to unreasonable lengths in devising safeguards for their liberty, in all, even the smallest points. The second consul — L. Tarquinius Collatinus — bore an unpopular name — this was his sole offence — and men said that the Tarquins had been too long in power. They began with Priscus; then Servius Tullius reigned, and Superbus Tarquinius, who even after this interruption had not lost sight of the throne which another filled, regained it by crime and violence as the hereditary possession of his house. And now that he was expelled, their power was being wielded by Collatinus, the Tarquins did not know how to live in a private station, the very name was a danger to liberty. What were at first whispered hints became the common talk of the City, and as the people were becoming suspicious and alarmed, Brutus summoned an assembly. He first of all rehearsed the people’s oath, that they would suffer no man to reign or to live in Rome by whom the public liberty might be imperiled. This was to be guarded with the utmost care, no means of doing so were to be neglected. Personal regard made him reluctant to speak, nor would he have spoken had not his affection for the commonwealth compelled him. The Roman people did consider that their freedom was not yet fully won. The royal race, the royal name, was still there, not only amongst the citizens but in the government. In that fact lay an injury, an obstacle to full liberty. Turning to his brother consul: “These apprehensions it is for you, L. Tarquinius, to banish of your own free will. We have not forgotten, I assure you, that you expelled the king’s family, complete your good work, remove their very name. Your fellow-citizens will, on my authority, not only hand over your property, but if you need anything, they will add to it with lavish generosity. Go, as our friend, relieve the commonwealth from a, perhaps groundless, fear: men are persuaded that only with the family will the tyranny of the Tarquins depart.” At first the consul was struck dumb with astonishment at this extraordinary request. Then, when he was beginning to speak, the foremost men in the commonwealth gathered round him and repeatedly urged the same plea, but with little success. It was not till Spurius Lucretius, his superior in age and rank, and also his father-in-law, began to use every method of entreaty and persuasion that he yielded to the universal wish. The consul, fearing lest after his year of office had expired and he returned to private life, the same demand should be made upon him, accompanied with loss of property and the ignominy of banishment, formally laid down the consulship, and after transferring all his effects to Lanuvium, withdrew from the State. A decree of the senate empowered Brutus to propose to the people a measure exiling all the members of the house of Tarquin. He conducted the election of a new consul, and the centuries elected as his colleague Publius Valerius, who had acted with him in the expulsion of the royal family.
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